What makes myanmar non democratic

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Key thing Subscribe to Mint Newsletters. Internet Not Available. The country has previously opposed international intervention in Myanmar. South East Asian countries have been pursuing diplomatic efforts to end the crisis. Calls for Suu Kyi release after Myanmar army coup. Aung San Suu Kyi: Democracy icon who fell from grace. What's happened in Myanmar so far? How a peace icon ended up at a genocide trial.

What you need to know about the Rohingya crisis. Image source, EPA. Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing was the first person to be killed in the unrest. Where is Myanmar? Why is Myanmar also known as Burma? What has happened now, and why? This video can not be played To play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser.

Who is in charge now? Image source, Getty Images. The general who returned Myanmar to military rule. How have people reacted? Each township now has a development affairs organisation DAO si-bin tha-ya-ye apwe in the Myanmar language to carry out municipal functions for its constituents. Municipal governance is a key exception to the current structure, as municipal agencies are the only fully decentralised bodies in Myanmar. They are unique, as they raise all revenue from their own township and have significant discretion over the use of these funds, provide a significant range of social services and are responsible for overseeing local economic governance as part of a broad remit of local governance processes.

Yet municipal committees in most townships have been formed mostly in a random fashion by selecting the appropriate candidates rather than by going through a complete electoral process. The ward or village tract administration is the main day-to-day bridge between communities and the state.

These bodies, as the lowest level of the administration and supervision of all 3, wards,13, village tracts and 63, villages across the seven states and seven regions, increasingly play a key role in local development.

Villages can be of different sizes, from a population of less than a hundred households to a village of more than a thousand of households, while village tracts are formed from between three and 11 villages.

They should be one of the ways in which citizens can exercise their democratic rights and responsibilities as active citizens on the ground to elect someone directly who can represent their interests for community development.

But ward and village tract administrators are often elected only in a narrow sense, with the experience of elections often chaotic on the ground due to legal shortcomings and the military dominance of the administration structure. The Ward or Village Tract Administration Law, promulgated in , which replaced the colonial-era Towns Act and the Village Act, both passed in , sets out the mandate for the management and supervision of administrators in ward and village tract levels, including the procedures of electing ward or village tract administrators.

Other duties set out in the law include the registration of births and deaths, public health issues, local development activities and facilitating requests for permission to hold public events. The role of the administrators is extremely important for local-level governance and the administration of business, development projects and social affairs such as management of land, taxation, microfinance projects, dispute settlement and regulation of livestock ownership.

Since the law was passed in , amendments have been made three times and three rounds of ward and village tract administration elections have been held under the supervision of GAD, in , and Myanmar has growing numbers of civil society organisations CSOs working on election monitoring and observation. Although the election laws do not explicitly allow for election observation, the UEC has invited and accredited over 11, observers from 52 CSOs and over 1, international observers for the general election.

While this is a high level of interest and participation, the level is however lower in local elections due to unclear legal provisions and the possibility of unsecure situations while undertaking observation on the ground.

A few CSOs, which mostly come from the perspective of challenging the management of the electoral system by a military-backed ministry, have been active in advocating for amendments to parts of the law, while other CSOs have been engaged in raising awareness of the law and voter education at the grassroots level.

It has worked to mobilise the public and has advocated towards both houses of parliament for legislative reform. Communications, including phones, TV broadcasts and internet in many parts of the country, including the capital, were cut or hindered, according to reports.

Suu Kyi won a Nobel Peace Prize in for her non-violent resistance against the military dictatorship that kept her under house arrest for 15 years. But more recently, she has faced international scorn for her response to a violent crackdown by security forces against the Rohingya, a mostly Muslim ethnic minority.

But Suu Kyi has publicly rejected accusations that the military waged a genocidal campaign against the Rohingya. Fears of a military coup have been simmering in the Southeast Asian nation since the military disputed the results of the November election. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won just 33 seats. The military alleged that it found 8. But o n Jan.